

s 

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e REMARKS 

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OP 



HON. GEO. EUSTIS, JR., OF LOUISIANA, 



ON THE 



ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE. 



hi 

DELIVERED 




- J y l 



IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 7, 1856 



WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE, 

1856. 



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REMARKS. 



Th»' Hon I engaged with the question 

Mr. EUSTIS (when ] was called) id: 

] give my \ <■■ i ris i to a persona] ex- 
ition. It was mj • 

to ha I thi floor until • zation 

culiar 

in of the debate of Saturday last, and 

fallen from the lips of 

sippi, [Mr. 

i have D '' brought to my 

notici . to depart from the line of eon- 

■ : which 1 had determined upon. 

Mr. STANTON. I « 

wait until the roll 
. 
Mr. EUSTIS. Wi reitn . king 

time, for the purpose of 
o, I ai i ... implc 

of oth • I should certajnl; 

from < '.1 
■ 

Ienjtett,] as fc- 
: 

■ : ' ■ ;. . 
. 

"Did iv ' m irican party i i I 

n : arti !e of tl 

i- w ire pn 
I 
■ . : proacri] 

■ 
1 'nl not only that, l>'.it. unli 

. :i member in 
I 

platform, 
. acting with fha American party hern in the 



With :i ii'- D bi r i.!' : ' ' t : " ! 

principl i, v.i: 1 / nrhai 

can it be pi !| ' IVV - 

unite with us in ilio 
Hon of a Srjhkcr: We 
Hi- same coivtrjjeiion lo tin' 

■ that 

' 

top - 

I r < gret i y, Mr. Clerk, thi 

which I ha . e had thi hori- 

: man 

cern or un< asincss totli 

. more par: I <l" not think that I 

requirb from ' 

ture — 1 say it in a sp rit of 
kindness and of courteay — in regard to the course 
I am to pursue, or the I • |;1 

this House. I ' msible, sir, to my con- 

stituents a " ono 

. i ■ Id to him the broo I for 

the i j ■ ! 

and i lsi whi re, and ! privi- 

vhatsoever. 

f hr r Mr. l'i : ■ 

can- 

:ive 

to to-day; 

I I ■ : 

to vote for him a ' ::imc 

[Ap- 
plause in thi ' cc " edingly th.it 

■ with 
■ of the hoi; 

i in from Mississippi, but I must inform that 



gentleman that I will endeavor to bear with pa- 
tience and resignation his displeasure, if I can 
only count upon the sanction and approval of my 
constituents and of my political frii ads. 

[A few days after these remarks were made, 
Mr. Fuller, of Pennsylvania, defined his position 
in the following answers to questions propounded 
by Mr. Zollicoffer, and which all the candi- 
dates were called upon subsequently to answer.] 

Mr. FULLER, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Clerk, 
I voted for the resolution offered by the gentle- 
man from Tennessee [Mr. Zollicoffer] yester- 
day, because I cordially approve of the principle 
embodied in that resolution. Early in the ses- 
sion I felt it a duty, in justice to myself and to 
those with whom 1 had been acting, to declare the 
opinions I entertained and the course of action I 
should pursue upon certain questions of public 
policy. I desire to say now, sir, what I believe 
is known to the majority — if not to all — of those 
who have honored me with their confidence, that 
I have been ready at any and all times to with- 
draw my name from this protracted canvass. I 
have felt unwilling to stand, or to appear to stand, 
in the way of any fair organization of this body. 
In answer to the specific interrogatories here 
presented, I say that I do not regard the K 
and Nebraska bill as promotive of the formation 
of free States; and I will further say, sir, that I 
do not believe that it is promotive of the form- 
ation of slave States. [Cries of " Good!"] The 
second interrogatory relates to the constitution- 
ality of the Wilmot proviso. I was not a mem- 
ber of the Congress of 1850, and have never been 
called upon to affirm or deny the constitutionality 
of the Wilmot proviso. 

I have never assumed the position, that " if 
territorial bills (silent upon the subject of slavery, 
and leaving the Mexican laws to operate) were 
defeated, lie [I] would vote for a bill with the 
Wiliriot proviso in it." That question relates to 
the legislative action of the distinguished gen- 
tleman from Illinois, [Mr. Richardson.] My 
political existence commenced since that flood. 
[Laughter.] 1 was not a member of that Con- 
gress, and having never taken any public posi- 
tion upon that subject heretofore, I am willing, 
in all frankness and i andor, to do so now; ami 
I do so with great deference and respect for 
those distinguished nun who, in times past, have 
entertained and expressed different opinions. 
Public, history informs us that slavery existed be- 
fore the Constitution, and, in my judgment, how 
exists independent of the Constitution. When 
the people of the confederated States mi t, l>\ 
their representatives in convention, to form that 
Constitution, slavery existed in all but one of 
the States of tie Confederacy. The people, 
through their representatives, having an existing 
and acknowledged right to hold slaves, conceded 
this — the right to prohibit importation — after the 
year 1808. They made no cession, so far as re- 
garded the existence of domestic slavery. They 
claimed — and it was granted — the right of reclam- 
ation in case of escape. They claimed — and it 
was granted — the right of retfresentation as an 
element of political power. And 1 hold, in the 



absence of express authority, that Congress has 
no constitutional right to legislate upon the sub- 
ject of slavery. [Applause.] I hold that the 
Territories are the common property of all the 

ites, and that the people of all the States have 
a common right to enter upon and occupy those 
Territories, and they are protected in that occu- 
pation by the flag of our common country; that 
Co jress has no constitutional power either to 
late slavery into, or exclude it from, a Ter- 
ritory. Neither has the Territorial Legislature, 
in my judgment, any right to legislate upon that 
subject, except so far as it may be necessary to 
protect the citizens of the Territory in the enjoy- 
ment of their property, and ihal in pursuance of 
its organic law, as established by congressional 
legislation. When the citizens of the Territory 
shall apply for admission into the Union, they 
may determine for themselves the character of 
their institutions, (by their State constitution:* 
and it is their right then to declare whether they 
will tolerate slavery or not, and, thus fairly de- 
ciding for themselves, should be admitted int i 
the Union as States without reference to the sub- 
ject of slavery. The Constitution was formed by 
the people of the States for purposes of mutual 
advantage and protection. The States arc sover- 
eignties, limited only so far as they have surren- 
dered their powers to the General Government. 
The General Government, thus created and lim- 
ited, ads with certain positive, defined, and clearly 
a .■(■■ rtaini d powers. Its legislation and adminis- 
tration should be controlled by the Constitution; 
and it cannot, justly employ its powers thus 
lb i jated to impair or destroy any existing < r 
vresti tl rights belonging to the people of any of 
the States. 

Mr. BARKSDALE. The interrogatories, Mr. 
Clerk, which I propose to put to the gentleman 
from Massachusetts, [Mr. Banks,] I intend for all 
the ■ ntleman who are candidates for the speak- 
ership; and, in order that the House and the 
gentlemen to whom they are propounded may 
undi rstand them, I will now read them: 

Are you now a member of the American or 
Know Nothing party? 

Are you in favor of abolishing slavery in the 
District of Columbia, the United States forts, 
dock -yards. &C. • 

Do you believe in the equality of the white and 
black races in the United States: and do you wish 
to promote that equality by legislation? 

Are yon in favor of the entire exclusion of 
adopted citizens and Roman Catholics from office? 

Do you favor the same modification — and this 
tion I intend particularly for the gentleman 
from Massachusetts, [Mr. Banks] — of the tariff 
now which you did at the last session of Con- 
gress? 

Mr. FULLER, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Clerk, 
I shall answer the questions specifically and di- 
r !i tly, n serving to mys slf the privilege of more 
full explanation hereafter. 

"Are you in favor of restoring the Missouri restriction, 
or do you go for the entire prohibition of .shivery in nil the 
Territories of the United States?" 

I am opposed to any legislation upon those sub- 
jects for reasons already given. 

"Are you in favor of abolishing slavery in the District 
of Columbia and the United States forts, dock-yards, &c. ;: ' 



s 



I am not, sir. 

« Do you bali >ve in the equality of the white nut! black 
races in the United States, and do you wish to promote 
that equality l>y legislation r" 

I do not, sir. I acknowledge a decided prefer- 
ence tor white people. [Laughter.] 

•' ire ydu i" la^or of the entire exclusion of adopted 
citizens and Roman Catholics from office.'" 

Mr. Clerk. I think v ith General Washington— 
ami he is a very high authority— that it does not 
comport with the policy of this country to ap- 
point foreigners to office to the exclusion of native- 
horn citizens. [Loud applause in the galleries.] 
But I wish to say that I proscribe no man be- 
cause of his religion; I denounce no man because 
of his politics. "I accord to all the largest liberty 
of opinion and of expression, of conscience 
and of worship. I rare not, sir, what, creed a 
man may profess; I care not to what denomina- 
tion he may bi long; be he Mohammedan, Jew, 
or Gentile, I concede to him the right to worship 
according to the dictates of his own judgment. 
I invade no man's altar, and would not disturb 
any man's vested rights. Whatever we have 
been, whatever we are, and whatever we maybe, 
rests betwe< n us and Heaven. I allow no mortal 
to be my mediator; and. judging no man, will 
by no man lie judged. With regard to those of 
foreign birth, I do not desire to exclude them. 
I say to them: "Come, enter upon the public 
lands; occupy the public territory; build up for 
yourselves homes, acquire property, and teach 
your children to love the Constitution and laws 
which protect them;" but I do say that in all mat- 
ters of legislation, and in all matters of adminis- 
tration, Americans should govern America. 

" Do you favor the sr.ran modification of the tariff now 
that you did at the hist session of Congress ."' 

I was not a member of the last Congress: and 
all that 1 would now ask upon the subject of the 
tariff is, " to be let alone." 

[[ considi ritdue to my constituents, the Amer- 
ican party, and the people of my State in general, 
that 1 should take this early opportunity of p] 
before tie m the i minently national sentimi nts and 
of the gallant sen of Pennsylvania, for 
whom I base cast my vote for Speaker.] 

And here, Mr. Clerk, I will take occasion to 
state, in a very few words, — reserving to myself 
the privil :ge of stating my views at greater length 
on some other occasion. — what is the position of 
the American party of Louisiana on the subject 
of religion. We hold, sir, in Louisiana, and we 
hold it as a cardinal maxim — and I hope to God 
that it will be so held in every State of this 
Union — that religious faith is a question between 
each individual and his God; and we consider 
that any attempt to abridge or circumscribe re- 
ligiousfrei dom is unworthy of our great country, 
and must be repudiated by every party in this 
country. We consider that it is in violation of 
the organic laws of the land; and in that spirit 



the American party in Louisiana repudiated the 
th article of the Philadelphia platform; and, 
sir, I now repudiate it in toto. I care not, sir, 
what construction gentlemen, in perfect good 
faith, may be pleased to put upon it. I know 
that gentlemen have addressed this House, and 
told us that they nw ant nothing by the eighth 
article of the Philadelphia platform: that is to 
say, that the construction which they place upon 
it could not be considered as offensive as against 
American Catholics, and therefore as inoperative 
and innocent as against that class of our citizens. 
Put, Mr. Clerk, as I said before, I care not what 
construction they put upon it. I listened with 
pleasure to the remarks of the eloquent gentle- 
man from the Louisvilkylistrict, [Mr. Humphrey 
Marshall,] and I am satisfied that that gentle- 
man agrees with me entirely. I am satisfied that 
the honorable gentleman from the Louisville dis- 
trict does not intend to proscribe American Cath- 
olics. I am satisfied that, when he says th^t he 
is in favor of the broadest religious liberty, what 
he says comes from the bottom of his heart, and 
that he stands with me, where every American 
must stand, upon the broad basis of civil and 
religious liberty. [Applause in the galleries.] 

But, as I said before, I care not what construc- 
tion is put upon it. The words are there in 
white and black, and they are offensive and in- 
sulting to the American Catholics of America, 
Let us look at what took place in the State of 
Virginia during the last State election. What 
was the construction which the American can- 
didate for Governor of that State placed upon 
the eigTith article of the Philadelphia platform? 
We all know that, in the early part of his can- 
vass, that candidate published a letter in which he 
said he never would vote for a Catholic. Thank 
God, that gentleman was defeated; and, sir, he 
t to have been defeated. There was enough 
in that letter to defeat ten thousand candidates 
for Governor; and I trust that'every man who 
holds such odious and monstrous doctrines will 
ever meet with as deep a political grave as the 
honorable gentleman, the American candidate for 
( rovi rnor of Virginia, has met with. 

I ugree with the honorable gentleman from Mis- 
sissippi [Mr. Bennett] when he says, if the 
!t article of the Philadelphia platform does 
not mean to proscribe Catholics, it means nothing. 
\ id, sir, what can it mean? I believe it means 
nothing. It isamere abstraction — a mere idle 
I concession to the prejudices of one class of reli- 
gionists — and has no place in the platform of a 
gnat national party. And I undertake to show 



to this House, if they will consider the declara- 
tions of the members of the national American 
party upon this floor, and if they will examine 
the eighth article of the Philadelphia platform, 
that they will find that it means nothing as against 
American Catholics, and cannot apply to them, 
unless it is intended to exclude them from office, 
which is expressly disavowed; because the cardi- 
nal principle — the great principle, according to 
my understanding — of the American platform is 
this: that none but native-born Americans should 
be elevated to office; therefore, if none but native- 
born Americans are to be elevated to office, all 
foreigners are excluded — foreign Catholics are 
excluded, foreign Protestants are excluded, and 
foreign Jews are excluded. And they are not 
excluded on account of their religion, but on ac- 
count of their birth; therefore, if foreign Catho- 
lics are excluded on account of their birth, and 
not on account of their religion, the only Catholics 
who remain to be dealt with, and the only Catho- 
lics who can come up and be considered as can- 
didates by the American party, are the American 
Catholics. They are the only Catholics who can 
be considered as candidates by the American 
party, because all foreigners are excluded; and, 
as I said before, foreign Catholics are excluded 
by coming within that designation. 

Mr. VALK. I suggest to the gentleman from 
Louisiana, with great courtesy and kindness to 
him, that, at this particular stage of the proceed- 
ings in the call of the roll, he should, be kind 
enough to suspend his remarks for the present. 

Mr. EUSTIS. I would adopt the gentleman's 
suggestion, but I beg to inform him thfetf.1 .1 
but little more to say, and that little more is par- 
ticularly addressed to gentlemen belonging ti 
American party whom I am desirous should know , 
distinctly where I stand. I am no Catholic, and 
I have been but seldom within the walls of a 
Catholic church— and that, however, is nothing, 
in my favor, i say I desire that the Catholics 
should understand exactly where I ..and; and I 
tell them that by the eighth article of the Phila- 
delphia platform, according to the view which 1 
take of it, they either exclude or intend to pro- 
scribe American Catholics, or they mean not 
because gentlemen have stated upon this floor 
that they did not intend to proscribe 
Catholics. Then, gentlemen, if you hi' 
by that article of the platform, in t ; 
God strike it out, for it is a blot upon the his- 
tory of our country; it is admitted to be a great 
political blunder. I am satisfied that no conven- 
tion could be assembled now which would tolerate 



its bare proposition. I am equally satisfied that 
the days of the national American party are 
numbered, unless the next convention of its dele- 
repudiati s it. Every one knows, who 
has given any thoughts to the prospects of this 
American party, that that article has driven thou- 
sands from our ranks who coincided with us in 
other respects. The American people are gen- 
erous, and you have excited that generosity. 
They will not agree with you in this crusade 
against Catholicism: and I would rather that this 
arm should wither than be connected with 
any party whose purpose it is to persecute the 
Catholics of this great country. 

Gentlemen talk about the Papal power. The 
honorable gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. 
R.eade] the other day asked the honorable gen- 
tleman from C4co:'gia, [Mr. Stephens,] whether 
he would vote for a Catholic whose religious 
opinions lie suspected of being hostile to the 
general interests of this country.. What right 
has that gentleman to challenge the nationality 
of his peer, his equal, and require him to purge 
his conscience, before he can hold communion 
with him on the footing of an American citizen ? 
What right have you to denounce him as a traitor 
to his country, and compel him to stand before 
your bar as a criminal — as an individual ho 
to the institutions of your country? 

[Here the hammer fell, utes having 

expired. Cries of " Go on !"] 

No objection being made, 

Mr: EUSTIS resumed. I tell you, gentl i 
you have just as much right to put your 1. 
in another man's pocket, to see if the money he 
has belongs to him, as to assume that position 
towards the American Catholics — as to pr< 
their consciences to ascertain whether they en- 
tertain opinions hostile to the institutions of their 
country. 

Gentlemen ought to recollect that here, in this 

Con:; , there is not a single Catholic priest. 

. for my pan, it is Do1 a subject of regret, for 

i am opposed to all religious interference with our 

political affairs. I am in favor of mi 

aurch and 

which has been established by our great 

cs. The Catholics of America are opposed 

to any religious int< rfi r oce with their political 

'.:;d, sir, the' elements of freedom and 

independence' which lie in the bosom of all Amer- 

nt to enable them, to resist 

ipt on the part of Ui to overstep 

boundaries of their holy mission. They da 

not require the assistance of Protestants to draw 



the line for them between* ccl< siastical and polit- 
ical jurisdiction; whenever they do, it will be 
timS enough for the follow< rs of Luther and i lal- 
vin to take up the rule and the c tnpass. At all 

: ran never be trie sub 
under our organic law, of national enactmenl 
State Legislatures can alone exercise control ov< r 
religion or n ligious corporation State 

must 
own a rding to the understan 

But, ! ir, that very same n asou which 
would make mea deadlyenemy oft 'atholic , 

i interference with our institutions, mi kes 
mc blush for my countrymen when 1 sec the 
Protestant church soiling its rol by dr 
them in the mire of politics. Your L 
are filled with gentl av a w ho wi ar white cravats 
and black coats. Your Congress has a larg 
proportion of these clerical - Au.il. 

you, with due respect and d 
men of the cloth, to show mea Catholic pri it 
or an accredited agent of the Church of Rome in 
this Hall. [Laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear!"] 
i. lei i who talk about the Pope of Rome 
ought to r< collect that that poor old man, who is 
an object of such terror to them, is now in the 
custody of a guard of I ch sol liers. 

But, Mr. Clerk, I have consumed more time 
than I desired. 1 will simply close my remarks 
by asking the gentleman from North Carolina 
[Mr. Reajde] where he gets the authority for thus 
blackballing his peers, his equals, the Catho- 
lics? — whi re he g< ts the authority for stamping 
them as the mere tools of the Pope of Rone? — 
where he jets the authority for considering- them 
as unworthy of participating in the great councils 
of this country? Does the gentleman find his 
authority, or will he find it, in the Constitution of 
the United States? Will tl i n find it in 

the tri :| nd the Unit* d £ 

by which the Territory of Louisiana was ceded 
to this country, and by which the religiousr 
of its inhabitants were guarantied to them ? Will 
man find it in the Fan well Addr 



. atherof our Country — in that address 
which is so often quoted by the orators of tho 
American party? Yv'ill the gentleman find it in 

reat book, the Bible, On which so much 
veneration has been wasted so unprofit.ibly in 
the Philadelphia platform? I will tell the gentle- 
man where he will find it. He will find it in the 
teachings: anil in the inspiration of that dark 
spirit of fanaticism which is the curse of the An- 
laxon race. The gentleman will find it in 

liritbywh P ants were driven from 

V . E i> lai d by thi <- •' How -Pr stants in our 

colonial days. He will find it in that spirit which 

the Episco] .bans of Virginia drive away 
their Puritan brethren from that State. And 
where did these persecuted Puritans and Protest- 
ants in general go? What spot did they choose 
as an asylum in order to be protected from their 
Protesanl persecutors? I will tell the gentleman 
where they went in those colonial times. They 
went to the colony of Maryland- to that colony 
whose inhabitants were under tin: influence of 
"the aggressive policy of the Church of Rome 
and its corrupting tendencies." Yes, these Puri- 
tans sought a refuge in that colony which first 
in the United States established the law protect- 
ing every man from religious persecution. 

Mr. Clerk, the American party of Louisiana 
has a right to be heard; I regret exceedinglythat 
I am here th" sole exponent of its views. 1 regret 

dingly that the pveK nsions of that party are 
not in abler hands. But, sir, I will state this much, 
that in every Native Amerii lization tho 

America party of Louisiana has a right to be 
, if 1 am not mistaken, the Legislatures 
na was the first which passed resolutions 
demanding * change in the naturalization laws of 
this country. 

1 thank the House fin- the indulgi ace which it 
nd d to me on this occi sion. 1 vote fur 

.Mr. l'i LLER. 

[Hon. Percy Walker, in an eloquent speech, 
indorsed the action of I '. tcan party of 
Louisiana.] 



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